By Mike Wallace, Carmen Boullosa
The time period “Mexican Drug War” misleads. It signifies that the continuing massacre, which has now killed good over 100,000 humans, is an inner Mexican affair.
But this diverts cognizance from the U.S. function in developing and maintaining the carnage. It’s not only that american citizens purchase medications from, and promote guns to, Mexico’s murderous cartels. It’s that ever because the U.S. prohibited the use and sale of substances within the early 1900s, it has stressed Mexico into appearing as its border enforcer—with more and more lethal results.
Mexico was once now not a helpless sufferer. strong forces in the nation profited highly from providing american citizens with what their govt forbade them. however the rules that spawned the drug struggle have proved disastrous for either countries.
Written via award-winning authors, one American and the opposite Mexican, A Narco heritage experiences the interlocking twentieth-century histories that produced this twenty-first century calamity, and proposes the way to finish it.
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Additional resources for A Narco History: How the United States and Mexico Jointly Created the "Mexican Drug War"
If their command of the country’s center was all but total, their grip on the periphery, while potent, was more compromised. Many of the circumferential governors were, as they had been under Porfirio Díaz, powerful local caciques (chiefs) who were allowed great leeway in ruling their fiefdoms, so long as they obeyed PRI dictates and channeled votes and resources up the chain of command. Many were former generals who had in effect been bought off by being dispatched to the provinces, allowing party politicians to steadily shrink the power of the officer class at the center, furthering demilitarization.
But the effects of the campaign were nevertheless sweeping. The federal state had succeeded in prying drug policy enforcement from the hands of local caciques, drawn it to the national level, and shown drug dealers exactly who was their new boss. This had the additional if unintended consequence of centralizing the drug trade as well. Local traffickers soon realized that survival and prosperity now depended not only on winning protection from municipal and state authorities but required coming to terms with federal forces—the federal police, the military, the DFS, and PRI officials.
At its outset, the DEA had 1,470 special agents and an annual budget of less than $75 million. 5 billion. ◆ ◆ ◆ Despite his humiliation of Mexico, Nixon was not without his supporters there, most particularly President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz (1964– 1970), who was very much on Nixon’s cultural wavelength. ” But like Nixon, Díaz Ordaz had deeper worries, rooted not only in personal rigidity but in perceived challenges to PRI power. Many of the rising generation saw B O U L L O S A & WA L L AC E 29 the one-party state as repressive, its socialist rhetoric masking an actually existing authoritarianism.